In this edition #33…

December 12, 2011

In our last edition of 2011, we present an outline of the 2011 CMCL conference ‘Keeping Secrets in Times of Weak Law’ with a run-down of the panels on Cybersecurity, Trade and Commercial Secrecy, and Privacy.

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Julian Thomas presents an account of Steve Jobs’ particular and extraordinarily successful mode of innovation, and reviews Walter Isaacson’s ‘Steve Jobs: The Excusive Biography’.

To see full post click here.

And then a brief note from our editors.

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Keeping Secrets in Times of Weak Law

December 12, 2011

By Tiffany Wong, Oscar O’Bryan and Jake Goldenfein

Keeping anything secret seems like a challenge in today’s radically altered media landscape. Digitisation has abolished the cost of reproduction and networked environments expose information to actors with the capacity to leak, steal or vandalise for whatever purpose motivating them. Law hardly seems to have a role in a space where technological know-how trumps not only the regulation of secrets but also the digital architectures that protect them. But does that mean that law should retreat from regulating information, or rather, is it a time for redoubled analysis of law’s relationship to information and perhaps an open mind when looking at options for reform. Rather than harsher penalties and more vigorous enforcement, do we need more transformative approaches for dealing with the reality of our age of communicative abundance?

This year’s CMCL conference, ‘Keeping Secrets in Times of Weak Law’ answers the call for a critique of law’s role in keeping secrets and the institutions that determine when secrets should remain so.

Jake Goldenfein presented on the different forms of WikiLeaks and how its latest iteration of publishing uncensored and unredacted documents without institutional (mainstream media) oversight may be the only mode of transgression that can fulfil its ideological mission. Dan Hunter, Julian Thomas and Alana Maurushat constituted the Cybersecurity Panel, discussing the relationship between states, secrets and law. The session was chaired by David Lindsey. Philip Williams, David Brennan and Susan McMaster made up the Trade and Commercial Secrecy Panel, chaired by Beth Webster, discussing the economic arguments in the trade off between incentives to produce and incentives to enjoy information. And the Privacy Panel, chaired by Jason Bosland, included Megan Richardson, Michael Rivette, Michael Gawenda and the Honourable Michael Kirby, who discussed Lenah Game Meats – 10 years on, and the possibility of a statutory cause of action for privacy in Australia.

Cybersecurity

Dan Hunter, director of the Institute for Information Law and Policy at New York Law School, gave the Cybersecurity keynote, asking some pertinent questions about secrecy and security in the age of the Internet. In particular, why WikiLeaks was such a lightening rod for criticism and whether ‘control’ is the correct paradigm to inform the policies behind regulating secrecy.

The debate over WikiLeaks set the context for Hunter’s presentation. In asking why WikiLeaks, especially its release of unredacted cables was so derided by the institutions related to the rule of law (journalists, lawyers etc) Hunter critiqued those institutions for being unable to see the reality of today’s communications infrastructure and practices. Instead, Hunter claimed, those institutions rely on an ethic of control that propelled the ratcheting up of copyright laws since the Internet became publicly available 20 years ago, as well as informed the news media’s derision of WikiLeaks publishing without their oversight.

Hunter suggested that WikiLeaks may be a precursor for a change in policy regarding government secrecy and disclosure and asked what modern day information policies and practices should look like given the Internet and technologies like WikiLeaks. Regarding copyright, Hunter claimed control was not what creators sought and regarding secrets, Hunter alluded to substantial evidence suggesting administrators over-protect information in ways that are profoundly undemocratic. Now that we live with the idea of radical transparency as something we cannot really do anything about, Hunter claims we have to craft a policy that gives up on our misguided concerns about control despite the new dangers that may provoke.

Respondent, Julian Thomas, director of The Swinburne Institute for Social Research, discussed the extent to which the Internet has decentralised, diffused or democratised secrecy– and where WikiLeaks fits into this new equilibrium. Thomas claimed that the Internet has made states both less and more able to control information, where networks of freedom and networks of control lay alongside each other. WikiLeaks operates in this new networked society, claims Thomas, according to the model described by William Dutton as the 5th estate emerging from the network of networks. While sharing some features of the traditional press, the 4th estate, Thomas claimed this 5th estate is more than simply a supplemental ‘new’ media but operates in a space, where institutional and amateur expression are side by side, as are networks of freedom and networks of control exist within what Manuel Castells describes as the space of flows (not a space of places) where people find knowledge outside of institutional sources.

Alana Maurashat, director of UNSWS’s Cyberlaw and Policy Centre, discussed the regulation of hacking worldwide, noting her consultancy to the Canadian government to assist in crafting a reasonable policy in the field of ethical hacking. She saw WikiLeaks’ legacy as going beyond subsequent movements like Anonymous and Occupy, but rather depicted WikiLeaks as the leader, or image, of a whole system of e-government and e-revolutions, often coordinated by groups that have been considerably empowered by today’s technological conditions.

Trade and Commercial Secrecy

Beth Webster opened the panel by contextualising the importance of trade secrecy to Australian innovators, referring to the Australian Bureau of Statistics’ most recent innovation survey. This survey highlighted that 40 per cent of Australian businesses were innovation-active during the 12-month reference period and the most popular method of intellectual property (‘IP’) protection by these businesses was a secrecy or confidentiality agreement.

Keynote, Philip Williams (Chairman of Frontier Economics) offered an economist’s perspective on trade secrecy by posing the key economic problem arising from the protection of trade secrets: the trade-off between two incentives — the optimal incentives to produce information and the optimal incentives to enjoy information.  Economics has been able to articulate this problem, but has struggled to offer guidance for its resolution.

To illustrate this problem, Williams presented a simple economic model: a person spends a year of pain (‘Period 1’) to enjoy a year of gain (‘Period 2’).  The person may justify the pain by producing an asset, such as information, at the end of Period 1.  Enjoyment of that information in Period 2 constitutes the gain.  The person will only bear the pain in Period 1 if they believe that they will likely enjoy the information in Period 2.  Thus the person will likely seek legal or extra-legal protection of the information from appropriation.

Williams noted, however, that the trade secrecy context raised three complications to this model.  First, the creation of an asset does not draw a clear distinction between the two periods of activity — investment and enjoyment — since the asset will likely grow in value during Period 1.  Secondly, the asset may generate benefits for its creator through trade, whether or not the creation process has completed.  Thirdly, if the asset is information (a classic public good) difficulties arise with respect to trade.  In particular, a purchaser must know the information to determine its value — a problem also known as Arrow’s fundamental paradox of information.

Williams applied this model to the facts of Maggbury v Hafele (2001) 210 CLR 181 (‘Maggbury’), a High Court case in which the law dealt with the trade-off between the incentives to produce and enjoy an asset. Williams noted the economic inefficiency of restraining the use of information after that information had entered the public domain.  He suggested that restitutionary damages would have been a more efficient remedy by allowing Maggbury to recover the benefit of its investment and by allowing the use of publicly available information.  The key challenge in calculating the quantum, however, would be to determine the duration of Hafele’s head start, which Hafele gained by first access to the information.

 

The first commentator, David Brennan, engaged in a fuller discussion of remedies for breach of confidence. He highlighted the remedial uncertainties arising from the equitable jurisdiction of breach of confidence — remedies were at the court’s discretion, and equity provided weak guidance on the assessment of quantum.

In noting these problems with equitable remedies, Brennan argued injunctive relief would serve little purpose, given the defendant’s destruction of confidentiality; an account of profits could involve accounting problems since the significant intermingling of the defendant’s resources with the information; and equitable compensation, calculated on a counterfactual basis, might be dismissed by courts as too imprecise a measure of damages.

Brennan concluded by making suggestions for law reform.  To strengthen legal protection of confidential information and to deter the wrongful disclosure of such information, he submitted that an all-proceeds remedy would be preferable to injunctive relief where there was a breach of confidence which was: (a) in bad faith; (b) the wrongdoer benefited from the breach in an ascertainable and proximate manner; (c) the secrecy of the information has been destroyed by the breach; and (d) there was no market-based objective measure of harm.  Depending on the nature of the party’s breach and benefit, the appropriate remedy should be a constructive trust, and/or an account of profits without allowance for the wrongdoer’s contributions.

The second commentator, Susan McMaster (Senior Legal Counsel with CSIRO), provided the practical perspective of IP creators, including those who received and commercialised confidential information.  Drawing from her experience with CSIRO, McMaster acknowledged both the importance of trade secrecy in the private sector and the effectiveness of sharing knowledge to achieve impact from research results.

Secrecy, McMaster claimed, is crucial to the patent application process since patent registration hinges on the first-to-file system and the development of patentable subject matter through research and experimentation takes a long time. Further, secrecy is required for the commercialisation of public scientific research as investors are incentivised by the exclusive rights created by patent registration.

McMaster raised three key issues concerning the management of confidentiality agreements.  First, it may be unclear whether certain information is confidential.  Secondly, non-disclosure agreements must be drafted and used to enforce confidentiality, rather than to constitute a mere formality before commercial engagement.  Thirdly, a research organisation and its employees must refrain from receiving confidential information from third parties or entering into third-party confidentiality agreements if doing so would place the organisation at a commercial disadvantage.

 

Privacy

 

The final panel of the day, chaired by the CMCL’s Jason Bosland, considered the past, present and future of privacy protection under Australian law. The four speakers brought a wealth of academic, professional, industry and personal experience to panel, making for a discussion that was informative, candid and enjoyable.

The first speaker, Professor Megan Richardson framed the panel discussion around the future direction of privacy law in Australia – does Australia need a statutory cause of action for invasion of privacy, or should the common law protecting privacy interests (breach of confidence, defamation) be left to develop on its own? She noted the ‘careful silence’ of the federal government on the issue, only recently broken by the publication in September 2011 of an issues paper recommending the introduction of a statutory cause of action – a reaction, perhaps, to the resurgence of interest in the ever-expanding News of the World phone-hacking scandal.

Richardson dealt at length with the judicial reasoning in ABC v Lenah Game Meats as to whether the common law alone can protect (individual) privacy interests sufficiently, referring to Gleeson CJ’s discussion and approval of Hellewell v Chief Constable of Derbyshire as an example of the successful utilisation of the doctrine of breach of confidence to protect privacy. On the other hand however, Richardson noted the imperfections of the common law process, requiring plaintiffs to endure the ‘agonising’ process of adversarial litigation to have their interests recognised. She cited the Campbell, Mosley and Giller cases as pertinent examples of this. Richardson suggested that a statutory cause of action could make a positive difference if it were well-framed.

The second speaker was Michael Rivette, barrister at Chancery Chambers, who along with having successfully argued the privacy issues in the Giller v Procopets appeal, also maintains numerous professional and commercial interests in the media and communications sector. Rivette spoke of the continuing influence of the ABC v Lenah Game Meats case upon the development of the law of privacy, both in Australia and overseas. He suggested that the Victorian authority of Giller actually afforded greater privacy protection through breach of confidence than exists under the common law in both the UK and New Zealand. While he acknowledged the potential benefit of a statutory cause of action, Rivette highlighted the drawn-out nature of the law reform process, and said that in the mean time, ‘we have to do what we can with what we have’.

The third speaker was Michael Gawenda, whose perspective on the issues was coloured by his extensive experience as a career journalist and author. Gawenda noted that ‘journalists are in the business of invading people’s privacy’ on the basis of public interest, however he was clear that this end did not always justify the means (this can be contrasted with recent remarks by former News of the World journalist Paul McMullen). In particular he was critical of the idea that the apparent consent of a journalist’s subject to an invasion of privacy might legitimise or validate that invasion. In concluding, Gawenda was sceptical about the ability of the legal system to deal comprehensively with privacy issues, suggesting that perhaps the regulation (formal and informal) and culture of the media industries needed to change as well.

The final speaker was the Honourable Michael Kirby AC CMG. Kirby suggested that a consideration of privacy law should begin with the question: ‘Why do we want privacy?’ – framing the answer in terms of the ability to have control over our personal lives, arguing that personal privacy is important to our ‘fullness’ and ‘flourishing’ as human beings. In this sense, Kirby was of the European perspective that personal privacy is a human right which should be protected by the law. After highlighting the imperfections of the various options canvassed in the recent issues paper – do nothing, expand the role of the Press Council, rely upon the courts to develop the common law, et cetera – he came to the conclusion that the best way forward for privacy protection in Australia is the creation of a statutory cause of action for invasion of privacy.

The session highlighted the numerous stake-holders in the ongoing development of privacy law – the media, the legal profession, celebrities, ‘normal’ people – each with their own perspectives, concerns, and objectives. The task for the Australian law is to consider and balance all of these things in continuing to move towards a more coherent law of privacy.

Tiffany Wong is an LLB/BMus candidate at the University of Melbourne.

Oscar O’Bryan is holds an LLB from the Melbourne Law School.

Jake Goldenfein is a PhD candidate at the Melbourne Law School.


The success and failure of Steve Jobs

December 12, 2011

A review of Walter Isaacson, Steve Jobs: The Exclusive Biography, Little, Brown, London 2011.

By Julian Thomas

Malcolm Gladwell’s recent New Yorker piece (14 November 2011) offers a familiar, contrarian view of Steve Jobs’ career and significance. The key theme is drawn from Walter Isaacson’s extraordinary new biography: the dazzling successes of Jobs, together with his signal failures as a technology entrepreneur, were not the result of great vision or technical genius. Instead, Jobs’ significance lies elsewhere. He was an adept appropriator of other people’s ideas. He unfailingly recognized failure in other people and things. He had a perfectionist love of “closed systems” — that is, he could not relinquish control over the uses and applications to which Apple’s devices might be put. So the machines that Jobs introduced and helped invent – the computers, phones, tablets, and music players – embodied both his strengths and weaknesses; they were and are distinguished by being both brilliantly designed and obstinately difficult to adapt, extend, or modify.

The last three decades of computer history, and the debates that have raged over innovation and control in the technology business, are the background to Isaacson’s book. In a sense he has written, almost inadvertently, a biography of a certain kind of intellectual property. The foreground narrative is a rich new source of Jobs folklore, and this is what occupies Gladwell, and presumably many other readers. Some, maybe most, of these new stories confirm the nightmarish picture of Jobs’ manic, profligate pursuit of technical innovation. Again and again, Isaacson’s protagonist drives himself and others to extraordinary lengths by his oppressive, relentless, contemptuous, and sometimes ridiculous perfectionism. Towards the end of the book, Jobs’ expresses his disappointment in President Barack Obama, whom he thinks is reluctant to offend people. “Not a problem I ever had”. In Gladwell’s version, Jobs’ real significance is as a flawed example of a specific kind of technology developer and marketer. He is the archetypal ‘tinkerer’, not an original inventor, but an improver and tweaker of other people’s ideas. His skills are ‘editorial’, not inventive; his products are derivative, their development driven not by an original vision on Jobs’ part, but by his caustic, unerring grasp of the weaknesses of his competitors. Nothing Jobs did, in this account of things, was entirely new. The Mac’s great original selling points, its graphical user interface and bitmapped screen, were borrowed from technology developed by Xerox. The first versions of tablet computers were produced elsewhere, as were smartphones and music players.

Jobs’ tale, then, is about adaptation and appropriation, and these attributes, for Gladwell, turn out to be the essence of economic progress. Far more than the breakthroughs of visionary inventors, it was the work of engineers and technology entrepreneurs in taking ideas from elsewhere and improving them that powered the industrial revolution in Britain through the nineteenth century. As a tinkerer in this vein, Jobs achieved great things. But his tinkering has an unusual characteristic: his perfectionism, which was necessary to his success, also led him to jealously refuse others the freedom to adapt and modify that he enjoyed.  He was a tinkerer who perversely created obstacles to the tinkering of others, whether amateur users, or firms wanting to make products that would work with his. He resisted suggestions that the early Apple computers should include more (or any) expansion ports for third party add-ons; he struggled with the idea and consequences of licensing operating systems at Apple and NeXT; he tied the iPod to the iTunes store, and would not allow other music stores access to the device. And now, in the case of the newer iPhone and iPad, the development and distribution of third part applications is strictly controlled through the App Store. At the same time, Jobs is enraged when others copy his ideas: he sues when Microsoft copies the Mac’s “look and feel”; he goes ballistic when Google launches the mobile operating system Android, which he believes steals ideas from the iPhone.

So in Gladwell’s account, Jobs was an innovator who lacked the modesty and self-awareness to understand his own role and achievement. He was a ‘tweaker’ (no dishonor in that) who imagined himself a visionary. Famous from early on for his “reality distortion field,” he deceived himself, and became an innovator who stood in the way of innovation. Other contemporary commentators on technology have taken this theme further: Jonathan Zittrain’s The Future of the Internet (And How to Stop It) presents the iPhone as the ultimate ‘tethered device’, designed to ensure Apple’s control over users’ applications and content. For Zittrain, the iPhone is a salutary contrast to the ‘open’ architecture of the classic PC, which, for all its faults, could be far more readily adapted and modified by users and third party businesses. Here we find an old line of argument, that “openness” (and the associated goodness of “open source”) is the real recipe for innovation and inexpensive distribution. In the case of computing, it’s hard to argue with: even deep within the iPhone, there is POSIX, and elements of BSD Unix. The striking thing is that the closed iPhone has itself sparked an amazing wave of innovation. Whole new kinds of software, including locational media and games, educational, creative and social software, have been developed, and are readily and cheaply available for Apple’s devices. The good thing for everyone is that all this new software is now also spreading to a host of other phones and tablets, including the freely licensed (if not precisely open source) Android machines.

Isaacson’s book participates fully in the “closed system” narrative. But it also presents the elements of a more complex and interesting picture, of someone who did possess an unusual intuition for the design of useful machines; and of someone who modified his business strategies as his career progressed. Jobs did want control, and more of it than many of his customers would like, but he also realized he had to make the iPod compatible with Windows machines, and he opened the iPhone to third party developers after originally resisting the idea. He obviously hated Android, but he knew also that Apple had to compete with it. If he was a tweaker, he was (to use a metaphor that would not usually be applied to a Californian) in the Shane Warne league. But I’m not sure that tweaking aptly describes what Jobs did. It should not be difficult to acknowledge that he, together with many others, created novel things, even if they did so on the basis of the work many others had done: after all, that is usually the way. Some of this creating certainly involved adapting, or ‘editing’, but it also required acts of imagination. Gladwell’s generally precise language is vague when he describes Apple’s famous appropriation of the graphical user interface from Xerox: he says Jobs “borrowed the characteristic features of the Macintosh — the mouse and the icons on the screen” — from the engineers at Xerox PARC”.  Whatever that sentence means, in fact Apple successfully and almost completely transformed both the mouse and graphics: the machines it produced in the following years were clearly major advances on Xerox’s Star.

Anyone interested in contemporary debates over innovation and intellectual property will have their own reading of Isaacson’s book, and their own sense of the stakes in Steve Jobs’ daring adventures. Some of the most interesting elements of the story concern the way Jobs re-organised Apple around his characteristically ambitious and romantic idea of connecting the humanities with technology. In a couple of presentations he used the image of an imaginary intersection between two streets: ‘liberal arts’ and ‘technology’. Design and engineering were to be deeply connected in the conception of new products, even if that meant that everything was more difficult, more protracted, more risky, and more expensive. Sometimes in his career Jobs overcooked the aesthetics, but Apple’s results in the end justified the effort. Like much else in Jobs’ story, ideas and aspirations of this kind help us think again about the assumptions we make about computers and their places in our lives, about the relations between technical and creative innovation, the unexpected places we find novelty, and the persistent question of who owns what.

 

Julian Thomas is Director of the Swinburne Institute for Social Research


And it’s goodbye from us

December 12, 2011

So here we have it. The Fortnightly Review of IP & Media Law: compiled and composed by academics, students and others interested in intellectual property and media law – mostly based in Australia and linked somehow to the University of Melbourne; focused on the topical, opinionated and sometimes contentious; including articles, comments and round-ups of current events (lectures, seminars, law reform activities); interdisciplinary in its inclusion of economic and literary contributions as well as law ones; published fortnightly (usually); available for free on the internet; and with hundreds of followers. It’s been an exciting experiment in collaborative publishing over the past two years, based on the model of one of those popular nineteenth century journals and magazines that were edited and written by a range of authors and served as conduits for public information and debate. But, for all the enthusiasm of those participating in the Fortnightly Review, we’ve reached the limit of the partly-amateur motivated to a large extent by affection for the task at hand. So we say goodbye, with thanks to our authors and readers, to IPRIA and the CMCL for partly sponsoring our publication, and to an Australian Research Council funded project on amateur media which sparked our interest in popular journals and magazines.

From the editors:

Jake Goldenfein
Vicki Huang
Andrew Kenyon
Megan Richardson

Melbourne, December 2011

The Fortnightly Review of IP & Media Law wishes you a good summer break.


In this edition #32…

November 4, 2011

Megan Richardson responds to the recent debates about a proposed tort of privacy by analysing the recent issues paper and asking when should privacy be legally protected?

To see full post click here.

Amanda Scardamalia examines the trade mark issues accompanying the sale of ‘Legendary Duff Beer’ in Australia 15 years after trade mark action by The Simpsons’ creators thwarted Australian brewers’ attempt to sell ‘Duff Beer’.

To see full post click here.

And Jake Goldenfein reports on Julian Assange’s most recent Australian public appearance at Sydney’s Festival of Dangerous Ideas, analysing the evidence for a heightened radicalism since WikiLeaks latest publications.

To see full post click here.


When Should Privacy Be Legally Protected?

November 4, 2011

By Megan Richardson

There’s been a lot of talk in recent weeks about the need for a statutory privacy tort. This comes in the wake of the Murdoch press’s phone hacking scandal. Even before then there were the reports of the challenges that social media sites such as Facebook and Twitter and their millions of users offer to the privacy of users, their ‘friends’ and others discussed. The apparent trends towards untrammelled publicity suggest that not only sporting figures and other celebrities may find themselves constantly on show to their voracious audience, despite their efforts to prevent this happening. Now we are seeing a multitude of ordinary and sometimes quite vulnerable people also suffering inconvenience and distress and even deeper harms from the prying eyes and gossipy comments of others. Indeed given that ordinary people and celebrities are often not that different it is easy for these two groups to overlap – I would say Lara Bingle is a good example here. So perhaps it is not surprising that the public pressure for more effective legal privacy protection might be increasing.

To demonstrate its sincerity in tackling the possible problem of privacy the government has recently published an Issues Paper asking the Australian people for advice on the need for a new statutory tort. In fact, this represents just one more stage in a constant public consultation program on the benefits (or not) of a statutory cause of action in privacy. In 2008 the Australian Law Reform Commission made recommendations for a statutory privacy tort, after a substantial review including a nation-wide program of consultation. Following that report there were further reports from the New South Wales Law Reform Commission (in which I was involved as a member of an expert advisory panel) and the Victorian Law Reform Commission, both also coming at the end of a program of public consultation. And both also recommended statutory causes of action for invasions of privacy (although in each case these were slightly differently framed). So it seems that there is considerable public support for a statutory privacy tort. But would this bring all the benefits proclaimed?

My question here is not about the possible benefits of a new statutory action. It is true that our existing law already provides a significant degree of protection to privacy, through the actions such as breach of confidence, defamation, passing off, harassment, and intentional infliction of emotional distress. Breach of confidence especially functions as a privacy doctrine, being based on an idea of trust and confidence that information that is not a matter of ‘public knowledge’ will be treated according to the wishes of the party it concerns. (It would have been the obvious action for the Australian Defence Force Academy cadet who recently discovered that images of her engaging in sex had been secretly streamed to her partner’s friends.) But a statutory action for invasion of privacy would provide greater transparency than an action which is not framed around privacy – in the same way that the statutory tort of misleading or deceptive conduct is more transparent than the traditional common law misrepresentation and passing off actions. It could also usefully provide more avenues for enforcement than the courts, utilising the federal and state information and privacy commissions. And it would hopefully be more easily updated than the slow-moving incrementally-adapting common law to accommodate new situations and circumstances.

And the benefits would not only have to be on the side of privacy claimants. A statutory public interest defence, as recommended for instance by the Victorian Law Reform Commission, would provides a vehicle for interests in privacy and publicity to be balanced on a case by case basis – providing a clear basis for protecting free speech while not conceding automatic and absolute priority when it comes to speech which involves or results from an invasion of other’s privacy. There are many cases where a balance between privacy and free speech may seem relatively straightforward. The leaked shower photo of Lara Bingle is a good example. Here the free speech argument for publication is weak to non-existent compared to Bingle’s claim for privacy. Or, to take another real-life example (from the 2006 case of Australian Broadcasting Corporation v O’Neill which went to the High Court as a defamation case), the public interest in revelation on the ABC of a convicted child killer’s confession to an undercover journalist (and former police officer) that he had killed other children seems very strong even in the face of his claim for protection of privacy. For the revelation not only raises questions of public safety but also of the operation of the justice system.

Of course not every case would be so straightforward. For instance, there is the controversial English case of the blogger ‘NightJack’ who became famous for his insider’s account on the life of a serving police officer and then found that The Times proposed to publish his true identity having discovered this via a journalist, using ‘mainly’ internet sources (the other sources were less clear). The blogger sought an injunction on the basis that the information as to his identity was ‘private and confidential’, that he gone to lengths to secure his identity, and that those who knew he was NightJack also knew this was private and confidential – adding, moreover, that there was no clear public interest that justified publication in The Times. The judge refused an injunction on the grounds that, first, blogging is a ‘public activity’ and, second, the public interest supported public exposure of the blogger’s violation of the police code of practice. It may be wondered whether blogging should be deemed to be such a ‘public activity’. But I am sympathetic to the argument that on balance the public interest supported the publication. In any event, the blogger (Richard Horton) seemed to accept the finding. He wrote a follow-up article of his own in The Times where he talked about his motivations and at the same time expressed loyalty to the police force (which had for its part had limited its penalty to a warning). Needless to say, he showed less sympathy for idea of the inherently public nature of blogging. Why would he?

But the question whether a statutory privacy tort would bring all the benefits that have been claimed by its supporters still has to be asked. The question comes down to how the tort would be framed as a matter of statutory language. One question currently being considered is whether a privacy claimant should have to show that the violation of privacy would be ‘highly offensive to a reasonable person of ordinary sensibilities’, as recommended by the Australian Law Reform Commission. The Victorian Law Reform Commission made a similar recommendation. But it was not the recommendation of the New South Wales Law Reform Commission. And there are several (including myself) who have argued that a high offensiveness standard would be an onerous and unfair standard for a privacy claimant. It would effectively carve out a sphere of absolute protection for speech and other conduct which invades a person’s privacy according to that person’s own lights, not on the basis of any public interest in knowing the information but simply on the basis that a ‘reasonable person of ordinary sensibilities’ would not be highly offended. What justifies the ordinary/reasonable person’s involvement in filtering individual privacy claims in this way?

Certainly, this standard is not historically part of our law. For instance, our action for breach of confidence is traditionally premised on allowing individuals to decide how seriously concerned they are about the public discussion of their affairs – that was noted by Mason J in the 1980 defence papers case Commonwealth v John Fairfax & Sons (pointing out that the government should be held to a higher standard). Although Gleeson CJ hinted that a high offensiveness standard might be a useful adjunct to the breach of confidence action when used to protect privacy in the 2001 case of Australian Broadcasting Corporation v Lenah Game Meats, operating as a ‘useful practical test’ in scenarios where information was not ‘necessarily private’, there was no suggestion there that it should be erected into a threshold that might deny protection to otherwise private information. Nor does it come from the United Kingdom’s statutory provision for privacy in the Human Rights Act 1998 (implementing the Article 8 right to private life in the European Convention on Human Rights). And the UK courts for their part have rather preferred as the starting point for assessing a privacy claim a ‘reasonable expectation of privacy’, treating this as a matter to be judged from the perspective of the claimant, not the audience which is seen to have its own vested interest in publication (given its role as consumer). In fact, the highly offensive standard comes from the US privacy torts which are notoriously difficult to satisfy. In practice, not only does this threshold carve out a protected zone of privacy-intrusive free speech. It takes the majority’s will as the proper standard of what a privacy expectation should be. While this might make sense in a jurisdiction which has erected freedom of speech to an overriding constitutional imperative, in jurisdictions (such as ours) where freedom of speech is traditionally treated in a more balanced and fact-specific way it would be a curious development in our law. Why should we import this US standard into our law, especially when the American attitude to privacy is historically so different from our own?

Perhaps the language of ‘highly offensive’ to an ordinary/reasonable person could be read differently in an Australian context than an American one. I would hope so. In the US, courts refused to uphold a privacy claim brought by a chronically private former child protégé, now a recluse, who was exposed in an article in The New Yorker using information obtained by an undercover journalist masquerading as a friend of the claimant and which was ‘merciless in its dissection of intimate details of its subject’s personal life’ (in the 1940 case of Sidis v F-R Publishing Corporation). They also gave no credence to the privacy claim of a Hasidic Jew of the Klausenberg sect whose religion prohibited the use of ‘graven images’ after he was secretly photographed by a street photographer hiding behind a scaffolding in Times Square New York with the photograph later exhibited and sold as an artwork (in the 2007 case of Nussenzweig v diCorcia). And they had no sympathy for the privacy claim of a Berkeley student Cynthia Moreno who having posted a critical comment about life in her former home town on her ‘Cynthia’ MySpace page and taken them down six days later found her former headmaster had arranged its publication in the local newspaper with her full name attached (in the 2009 case of Moreno v Hanford Sentinel, Inc). A subsequent claim for intentional infliction of emotional distress also failed notwithstanding that after the forced publicity she suffered threats and her family was forced to close its business and leave town.

The American media lawyer David Anderson once wrote that the fact that Americans (in general) do not value privacy highly and rather want to know everything about their neighbours goes some way to explain what he called ‘the failure of American privacy law’ (in Markesinis (ed), Protecting Privacy, 1999). If there is an Australian culture of privacy I would say it is more sympathetic to individual claims of privacy as a counterweight to free speech, in keeping with nineteenth century Millian ideas of individual liberty and utilitarian balances which are traditionally embedded in our common law. Perhaps we are changing in our expectations of privacy, but for my part the American approach is not a good model for where we might want to go with privacy protection. If that is where a statutory cause of action would take us, I would rather stick with the incrementally-developing common law.

Megan Richardson is a professor at the Melbourne Law School

(return to the top of this edition)


The Return of Duff Beer – Only This Time it’s ‘Legendary’

November 4, 2011

By Amanda Scardamaglia

Fifteen years after South Australian Brewing and Lion Nathan Australia had their plans to sell Duff beer thwarted by the Federal Court, German brewer Eschweger Klosterbrauerei is selling its ‘Legendary Duff Beer’ in Australia.

Available at a most independent bottle shops and online, the German Pilsner, was first launched in Europe, where it has been sold for a number of years. The brewer’s website boasts its Duff Beer was awarded the DLG Medal in 2011 (an award given by Germany’s independent drinks and food testing society). It was also recognised as a bestseller in 2010 and one of Germany’s most successful new products.

Although the German brewer has registered its red label bearing the word ‘Duff’ as a trade mark in the EU, the application has been opposed, presumably by Twentieth Century Fox, Matt Groening and his production company, as the product is not licensed or authorised by the producers of The Simpsons television series, in which the beer featured. A search of ATMOSS indicates that the company has not sought to register the trade mark in Australia.

So how, if at all, is this Duff beer different from the product marketed by South Australian Brewing and Lion Nathan Australia in the 1990s? And more importantly, will the Legendary Duff Beer suffer the same fate as its predecessor, at least in Australia?

The Nature of the Potential Claim

Trade mark lawyers and students will recall the proceedings brought by Twentieth Century Fox and Matt Groening Productions against two local Australian brewers who had marketed its own brand of ‘Duff’ beer. In a claim for passing off and a breach of section 52 and 53 of the Trade Practices Act 1974 (Cth) (now section 18 and section 29 of Schedule 2 of the Competition and Consumer Act 2010 (Cth), the producers of The Simpsons sought to prevent the breweries from promoting or dealing with any product using the same or similar get-up and incorporating the name Duff Beer, as depicted in the television series. The producers also asked that the breweries be restrained from using the name Duff or any deceptively similar name in relation to beverages, and from representing that their Duff beer was the product of the producers, or that it had the sponsorship or approval of the producers.

The producers succeeded on all grounds of their claim, with the Court granting an injunction preventing the breweries from continuing to sell their Duff branded products, while all existing stock was pulled from store shelves and destroyed. The rest is part of The Simpsons’ folklore, with the already sold Duff beer becoming prized collector items. Indeed since the product was pulled from sale, some cases of the beer have fetched thousands of dollars in online auctions.

It is likely the producers would have the same claim against the German brewer Eschweger Klosterbrauerei and/or its local distributor/s. That is, a claim in passing off in the nature of character merchandising and also for a breach of section 18 (and section 29) of Schedule 2 of the Competition and Consumer Act 2010 (Cth).

Drawing on the Court’s interpretation and application of the law with respect to character merchandising in the 1996 proceeding, it is hard to see how a court, if faced with making a determination with respect to Legendary Duff Beer, could come to a different result.

 (a) Reputation and Secondary Meaning

The word ‘Duff’ was conceived by Matt Groening in 1989 for use as the name of a fictionalised beer to feature in The Simpsons. As Homer’s drink of choice, Duff Beer is commonly depicted and referenced in the television series. Indeed, one whole episode of The Simpsons was devoted to the theme of Duff Beer, which was titled ‘Duffless’.

While Duff Beer is occasionally depicted as bottled beer in the television series, it is most prominently depicted as canned beer. The basic colours used are red, black, white and yellow, with the name Duff featured on the front of the can, in haphazard cartoon font.

In Groening’s affidavit evidence in the 1996 proceeding, he said that Duff Beer was intended to be one of several secondary characters and products that would play a continuing and essential part of the program. Interestingly, Groening said that he came up with the name Duff as a parody of the other one syllable American beers, like ‘Budd’ and Blitz.’

In light of this evidence, the Court in the South Australian Brewing case determined that the word ‘Duff’ had acquired a powerful secondary meaning, which the tort of passing off would protect. The fact that the case did not concern a fictional character but a make believe product was irrelevant. So in finding that Duff Beer had derived a distinctive character, the Court famously extended the principles which apply to character images or titles to the name of a fictional product. Clearly, the producers can rely on this finding as the basis upon which to make a claim against the use of the word Duff by the German brewer.

(b) Misrepresentation or Association

In the 1996 decision, the Court held that the use of the word Duff by the Australian brewers would induce customers into believing that the product had a connection or association with The Simpsons program. The Court came to this conclusion having regard to the fact that the respondents’ ‘… intention was to “sail as close as possible to the wind” in order to “cash in” on the reputation of “The Simpsons” without stepping over the line of passing off or deceit.’ So, rather than require evidence of consumer confusion, Tamberlin J found that mere association, which would arouse and recall connotations of fun, irreverence and parody which surrounded The Simpsons, was enough to satisfy the cause of action. In particular he stated:

‘The name “Duff” will induce customers into believing that the product has a connection or association with “The Simpsons” program, when in fact it has no connection whatsoever. The fact is there is not and never has been any association between the applicants and the respondents.  The implicit representation, in my view, is that the name “Duff Beer” produced by the breweries, is an embodiment of the fictional beer which features in the series. In reality, the product is a beer, which is manufactured in Australia by companies without any commercial or other association with the producers of the series.

…the deliberate creation by the breweries of an association by use of the name “Duff” between the breweries’ beer can with “The Simpsons” program, in circumstances where there is no association and indeed, where such an association is contrary to the express policy of the producers, amounts to misleading and deceptive conduct. There is no necessity to demonstrate that the viewer or consumer must think in specific terms of permission or allowance in order to constitute deceptive conduct. The intentional use of the name “Duff Beer” which produces the false association is sufficient …’

Whether a court would find the same in a claim involving the Legendary Duff Beer is slightly more contentious, given there are a number of differences between the Legendary Duff Beer and the beer produced by the local Australian breweries, and in turn, the Duff Beer featured in The Simpsons.

Firstly and most obviously, the Legendary Duff Beer is sold in bottles and not cans, whereas previously noted, Duff Beer is normally depicted as canned beer in the television program. Whether this detracts from the possibility that consumers would think there is some association is questionable – the word Duff remains the most prominent aspect of the packaging on the German beer.

The prominent use of red, black and white on the Legendary Duff Beer is somewhat different to the get-up of the can featured in the television series, as it does not feature the colour yellow.  Even so, the German brewer has used a similar haphazard cartoon font for the words ‘Duff Beer’.

The other significant difference here is the German Brewer’s use of the word ‘Legendary’. Does this sufficiently distinguish the German beer from any association with The Simpsons or does the term further embolden the association with the television program?

It is more probably the latter case. This is because it seems unlikely that the addition of the word ‘Legendary’ would sufficiently distinguish the goods from The Simpsons or that it would operate as a disclaimer so as to dispel any perceived association with The Simpsons and the German brewer.  Consider here what the Court had to say about whether the use of a disclaimer bearing the words ‘unauthorised’ would be sufficient in the later proceeding, when Tamberlin J was considering the scope of relief:

‘It is too simplistic an approach to suggest that the word “unauthorised”, coupled with the other forms of proposed disclaimer, must dispel any association with “The Simpsons”. … Moreover, given the evidence that “The Simpsons” program makes a point of “sending up” in a comic manner, other advertisers and advertisements, and given the irreverent nature of the content of the series, it is by no means beyond reasonable argument that the disclaimers would reinforce, rather than negate or diminish, any association with the series.’

Another important factor relates to the question of merchandising. The Simpson’s television series is highly merchandised. Much of this licensed merchandise relates specifically to Duff Beer, with the range including t-shirts and caps depicting the fictional beer. Tamberlin J took this into account in ultimately holding that the extent of existing merchandising would make it more likely that the public would think that The Simpsons had sanctioned the beer produced by the Australian breweries. The consequence of this was significant from the producers’ perspective in terms of the potential damage to The Simpsons brand – particularly as the producers had consistently refused to licence merchandise with respect to alcohol and tobacco products because of the series’ popularity with children. This is a policy the producers have maintained to this day. Thus, one would expect that, for this reason, the Legendary Duff Beer is of particular concern to Twentieth Century Fox and Matt Groening Productions.

Conclusion

It seems remarkable that, notwithstanding Australia’s recent history with Duff beer and the well publicised Federal Court decision, another company would enter the Australian market with an unauthorised Duff labelled beer. Expect to see more on this in the near future, particularly once the EU trade mark opposition claim is resolved. In the meantime, it might be worth grabbing a case of the Legendary Duff Beer and secure your potential collector’s item now.

Amanda Scardamaglia is a Lecturer in Law and Swinburne University and a PhD candidate at the Melbourne Law School.

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Has WikiLeaks Gone Far Enough?

November 4, 2011

By Jake Goldenfein

Before a full house at Sydney’s Festival of Dangerous Ideas the question was posed to Julian Assange – ‘has WikiLeaks gone far enough?’ His answer, of course, was an emphatic ‘no’. But in justifying that position Assange revealed more about his organisation’s mission and ethical validation than in many previous public appearances.

From Ellingham Hall in Norfolk, Assange’s image beamed into the Opera House theatre where he addressed not only whether WikiLeaks had gone far enough, but also what more WikiLeaks had to do. Questions since rendered more germane by the announcement that WikiLeaks has suspended further publication and may cease operations by the end of the year.

WikiLeaks and conspiracy

A passage cited from Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn’s novel Cancer Ward (in which a mother questions whether or not to burden her son with the rib-breaking weight of the truth) inferred Assange’s continuing mission and what WikiLeaks is yet to achieve – not simply greater transparency, but the revelation of hidden truth. While Assange acknowledges we can never really know ‘truth’, he argues what is false can be determined with enough information. And that negation, according to theory that animates WikiLeaks, exposes how governments strive for domination as well as the conspiracy that enlivens them.

For Assange, the conspiracy is a transnational security complex run amok. No longer a simple ‘patronage’ network or cold war relic but an elite security shadow state organised through confidential networks and agreements between military contractors and intelligence agencies. Assange cited research suggesting the existence of over 900,000 ‘top secret’ security clearances in the US, implicating one in every 300 citizens – including children, as evidence of the secret network. And further proof, for Assange, that the shadow state is gaining power is in the 6% funding increase for the US military complex despite overall tax revenue dropping 20% since the global financial crisis.

These claims reflect an aspect of WikiLeaks’ ideology located outside general government transparency and accountability activism. While Assange agrees that external government accountability is essential, WikiLeaks’ recent action challenges the categorisation of the group as a benign actor lawfully pursuing governmental accountability and participatory democracy. Rather, it seems Assange seeks to expose something more fundamental – to free us from illusion – he wants, as McKenzie Wark describes, ‘the workings of the world untied’ (see ‘Abstraction/Class’ in A Hacker Manifesto (2004)).

Early in the WikiLeaks media frenzy Guy Rundle insightfully wrote about the progressivist, even Marxist/Leninist motifs in WikiLeaks’ mode of action, as extrapolated from Assange’s 2006 essays ‘State and Terrorist Conspiracies’ and ‘Conspiracy as Governance’. Rundle saw a fissure between the networked global anti-capitalist movement and WikiLeaks’ counter-conspiratorial practice. He saw actions challenging the furtive corporate-state nexus rather than a general push for accountability.

For Rundle, these actions include releasing categorically large volumes of information such that the targeted powers cannot manage the process. Massive leaks, not with the anarchic goal of dissolving governance, but intended to ‘uncouple governance and conspiracy’. Leaks large enough to prohibit regimes from restabilising and eventually incorporating leaking as ‘a safety valve, steadily releasing pressure in a version of Marcuse’s “repressive tolerance”.’

WikiLeaks’ data ‘dumps’

It is precisely this scale of leak however, that provokes the greatest ethical problem for WikiLeaks. Early in September WikiLeaks released its entire cache of unredacted US Embassy Cables after discovering they were accessible using a password published in Guardian journalist David Leigh’s book ‘WikiLeaks: Inside Julian Assange’s War on Secrecy’. Assange explained that once the cables were available online publication was the only rational action to preserve the information’s ability ‘to create reform and stoke revolutions’.

WikiLeaks’ former media partners all publically denounced the action, however Assange argued that condemnation was mainstream media abusing its voice to protect its institutional integrity. Instead, Assange claimed the release enables WikiLeaks to be used as a lens into the failures and biases of mainstream media. He argues that by facilitating comparison of the mainstream media stories and the original sources, the release demonstrates the spin and ‘corruption’ in the most powerful English speaking media institutions.

When asked whether ‘it was acceptable’ to publish the names of individuals who may be endangered by the unredacted cables Assange’s response resonated the ideological position of the organisation. He noted that when WikiLeaks began releasing the cables 18 months prior they established rigorous processes, in concert with major media organisations, to ensure names were properly concealed. They even courted the US State Department for assistance to ensure publishing the cables would not potentially harm informants. However, Assange argued the mainstream media’s editorial decisions, including New York Times’ failure to publish a story on ‘Taskforce 373’ (a military unit performing extra-judicial assassinations in Afghanistan), and redacting the cable that described a Reuters correspondent working for US intelligence indicated coercion by the very ‘shadow state’ Assange was trying to illuminate.

As ‘3000 volumes of international political history over the last 6 years’ and ‘the greatest intellectual political treasure put into the historical record in modern times,’ for Assange, the ethical justification for the bulk publication lies in the character of the material itself and its sufficient size to have ramifications for conspiratorial state actors.

WikiLeaks and lawfulness

These actions however, are a blatant non-observance of the framework of media freedoms and responsibility forged by the early press and still governing media today. Assange’s position suggests that the laws governing media, constitutive of where the public interest lies with respect to ‘the right to know’, are no longer relevant. This ideology, clearly necessary to the WikiLeaks theory, prosecutes WikiLeaks dissociation with lawful transparency activism and highlights the radicalism Assange is willing to pursue to achieve his goals. Indeed Assange’s circumventing legal institutions suggests tacit agreement with legal historian A.W.B Simpson’s criticism of ‘judicial passivity’ in failing to exercise control over ‘the vigilant state’ (see ‘The Judges and the Vigilant State’ (1989) 4 Denning Law Journal 145). That is, the state or executive who at the same time as protecting us from espionage, terrorism and subversion, threatens liberty and seems to engage in deceit and illegal activity on an uncertain scale. Therefore, outside the institutional boundaries of what we have ‘the right to know’, WikiLeaks requires a personal choice whether it is dangerous, or rather a force weighty enough to disrupt the status quo. This, of course, remains and will remain difficult until WikiLeaks’ systemic consequences are better known.

Jake Goldenfein is a PhD student at the Melbourne Law School

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In this edition #31…

August 26, 2011

Chris Dent looks at the current gene patenting debate from another angle, analysing the conflicting discourses and methodologies that create problems for shared understanding and resolution.

To see full post click here

Sarah Lux analyses the UK government response to the recent Hargreaves Review and its recommendations for IP law reform.

To see full post click here

And, Elisabeth Cooke notes some aspects of the present federal government’s Convergence Review, including some of the framing questions and terms of reference.

To see full post click here


The UK Government on its Digital Opportunity

August 26, 2011

By Sarah Lux 

Earlier this year, the Fortnightly Review reported on the Hargreaves Review and its recommendations for the reform of UK intellectual property law. The UK Government has now released its official response, announcing that it accepts all of the Review’s recommendations and aims to implement measures by the end of this Parliament to ‘realise the Review’s vision and deliver real value to the UK economy, and to the creators and users of Intellectual Property’.

Importance of Evidence

The Review emphasised the need for IP policy to be grounded in clear economic evidence of the impact of regulatory mechanisms on competition and innovation. Professor Hargreaves identified two main areas of concern: the lack of high-quality evidence to support some intellectual property measures and an overabundance of lobbying by private interest groups.

The Response begins with a set of promises geared towards ensuring that UK IP policy is informed by better evidence. In relation to the first concern, the Response notes that the Government has ‘begun an ambitious programme of economic research with partners’, referring readers to an outline of its proposed research. The outline includes plans to:

  • assess possible economic effects of congestion in the trade mark register;
  • study the economic value of public domain works;
  • develop an approach for measuring IP enforcement costs against the effects on rights owners, consumers and the wider economy;
  • link all IP rights to business performance measures;
  • assess the economic cost of invalid patents;
  • assess the volume of orphan works and their impact on creators and users; and
  • develop a methodology for research into economic and social impacts of copyright exceptions.

In relation to the second concern, the Response states that the Government will give limited weight in IP policy-making to evidence that is insufficiently open and transparent, and will make it clear when it is doing so.

However, the Response also states that perfect evidence is an ideal, and that in making IP policy it is sometimes necessary to ‘guess and get on with it’. Accordingly, while the Government will aim to be guided by ‘emerging evidence’, it will continue to prioritise ‘rapid progress’ towards an improved IP system.

Digital Copyright Exchange

The response to Professor Hargreaves’ proposed Digital Copyright Exchange (DCE) is that a DCE ‘has the potential to offer a more efficient marketplace for owners and purchasers of rights’ and that it could contribute up to £2.2 billion per year to the UK economy by 2020. The Government will therefore commission a ‘champion’ of the DCE to undertake preliminary steps towards its creation.  The DCE champion will report back on progress at the end of 2011.

However, the Response implies that the Government will give less weight to the DCE than was envisaged by Professor Hargreaves. Hargreaves recommended that a work which cannot be found after a diligent search of the DCE should be regarded as an orphan work and automatically licensed for use. The Government, on the other hand, regards DCE searches as only ‘a valuable first step’ in searching for the owner of a work, and notes the need for other diligent searches before a work can properly be treated as an orphan. The Government takes the view that compulsory participation in the DCE would be contrary to the Berne Convention.

Orphan Works

The Government intends to make proposals at the end of the year for an orphan works scheme incorporating the safeguards discussed above.

Copyright Exceptions

The Response agrees that greater exceptions to copyright are required in theUK. The Government intends to make proposals at the end of the year for ‘a substantial opening up of theUK’s copyright exceptions regime’.  This will include proposals for:

  • a limited private copying exception;
  • a widened non-commercial research exception (which should cover text and data-mining to the extent permissible under EU law);
  • a widened library archiving exception; and
  • a new exception for parody.

The Response adds that there is a need for wider exceptions at the EU level, since theUK’s scope for action on exceptions is limited. The Government will therefore ‘aim to secure further flexibilities’ at EU level.

Enforcement

Among other measures to improve enforcement, the Government intends to introduce a small claims track in the Patents County Court for cases with £5,000 or less at issue, for use in copyright, design and possibly trade mark cases, to increase access to enforcement by small and medium enterprises.

Patents, Designs and Trade Marks

These areas of intellectual property law received little focus in the Review, which dealt mainly with theUKcopyright regime. However, the Review did make some recommendations on patents and designs.

On patents, the Government undertakes to:

  • resist extensions of patents into sectors which are currently excluded, in the absence of clear evidence that this is necessary;
  • provide for work-sharing with other patent offices in order to address backlogs; and
  • investigate the scale and prevalence of issues with patent thickets as well as potential solutions.

On designs, the Response notes that the IPO has commissioned research on the relative levels of design registration in theUKcompared toFranceandGermanyand on whether theUK’s lower level of registration has impacts on the competitiveness of theUK. It also noted that designs might be included in the DCE or its equivalent.

International Policy and Crime Strategy

Alongside the Response, the Government has released The UK’s International Strategy for Intellectual Property, which outlines the role the UK envisages for itself in working towards an efficient, well-functioning international IP system, and The UK IP Crime Strategy 2011, which discusses the ways in which the UK will continue to enforce IP law domestically.

Conclusion

The Government’s response to the Hargreaves Review was one of resounding acceptance, at least at the level of principle. Despite the long road towards implementation that no doubt lies ahead of these Recommendations, the Government’s positive response increases the likelihood that the principles underpinning the Review, and its key findings, will be considered closely in the upcoming review of Australian copyright.

Sarah Lux is an intellectual property lawyer at Allens Arthur Robinson and an Adjunct Lecturer at the University of New South Wales.

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